1 10 23 https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5698/U-2_photo_during_Cuban_Missile_Crisis.jpg c5e6591db5f06c9566c465424a8d96de Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Photo from Hycon 73B Camera Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The First U-2 Photographs of Soviet Missiles in Cuba 1962 Image 1/2 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource United States Air Force Subject The topic of the resource Cuban Missile Crisis U-2 Cold War Images Description An account of the resource Soviet truck convoy deploying missiles near San Cristobal, Cuba, on Oct. 14, 1962. Taken by Maj. Steve Heyser's U-2, it was the first picture proving Soviet missiles were being emplaced in Cuba. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available National Museum of the United States Air Force Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1962-10-14 Type The nature or genre of the resource Image Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Jpeg image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived USAF Museum (Deprecated): http://www.nationalmuseum.af.mil/factsheets/factsheet_media.asp?fsID=13888 NSA Archive: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/29153-oct-14-first-u-2-photographs-soviet-missiles-cuba-1962 Wikicommons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:U-2_photo_during_Cuban_Missile_Crisis.jpg Language A language of the resource English Relation A related resource https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/29153-oct-14-first-u-2-photographs-soviet-missiles-cuba-1962 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant ||||osm Cuban Missile Crisis https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5752/CabinetDiscussAllende.pdf 55768a18bdfca7c634e405972816e59b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource September 17, 1974 - Cabinet Meeting Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource President (1974-1977 : Ford). Office of the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. 1974-1977 Subject The topic of the resource Cabinet meetings Chile Intelligence Description An account of the resource A typed transcription and original handwritten notes from a cabinet meeting on 09/17/1974 discussing US operations in Chile including covert operations by the CIA. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Digitally published by the National Archives Catalog, physically archived at the Gerald R. Ford Library. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1974-09-17 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Sept_1974_Cabinet_Meeting_Chile Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived This resource was accessed from the National Archives Catalog where it is tagged with National Archives Identifier (NAID): 1552791, accession number 1970-NLF-345, and PRESNET Number 031400229. The original physical copy is held at the Gerald R. Ford Library on paper. The resource is a part of the Ford Administration Memoranda of Conversations series and the Memoranda of Conversations (Nixon and Ford Administrations) collection. This resource can be found online at this link: https://catalog.archives.gov/id/1552791 Language A language of the resource English Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This resource has unrestricted use https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5753/MemoBrazilGoulart.pdf a7c297c0a67f754d26faac42e6f76414 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Memo from Mr. Martin to Under Secretary Concerning A Contingency Plan for Brazil (18855): 12/12/1963 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Department of State. Office of the Secretary. Subject The topic of the resource Brazil State Department International Affairs Description An account of the resource This document is a memo describing possible US responses to varying changes to the Goulart Regime in Brazil. It outlines what those changes may be, ranging from a military coup to a more gradual leftist takeover. While it is stressed by the author, Mr. Martin, that all contingencies should be planned for there is a caution against what action in Brazil may change for other US relationships worldwide. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available National Archives Catalog Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1963-12-12 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Memo from Mr. Martin to Under Secretary Concerning A Contingency Plan for Brazil (18855): 12/12/1963 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Accessed from the National Archives Catalog under the record group General Records of the Department of State. This resource has National Archives Identifier (NAID) 331247091. The original paper copy is held at the National Archives at College Park-Textual Reference. This resource can be found online at this link: https://catalog.archives.gov/id/331247091 Language A language of the resource English Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This resource has unrestricted use. https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5755/second-u-2-photo-cuba-missiles-1962.jpg 0f48e6565ba3bf106fdd8034cd31f6c2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Hycon 73B Photograph Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The First U-2 Photographs of Soviet Missiles in Cuba 1962 Image 2/2 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource United States Air Force Subject The topic of the resource Cuban Missile Crisis U-2 Cold War Images Description An account of the resource U-2 photograph of MRBM site two nautical miles away from the Los Palacios deployment—the second set of MRBMs found in Cuba. This site was subsequently named San Cristobal no. 1 (the photo is labeled October 15 for the day it was analyzed and printed). Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available National Museum of the United States Air Force Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Dino Brugioni Collection at the National Security Archive Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1962-10-14 Type The nature or genre of the resource Image Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Jpeg image Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/29153-oct-14-first-u-2-photographs-soviet-missiles-cuba-1962 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Dear Mr. Chairman: A copy of the statement I am making tonight concerning developments in Cuba and the reaction of my Government thereto has been handed to your Ambassador in Washington.1 In view of the gravity of the developments to which I refer, I want you to know immediately and accurately the position of my Government in this matter. In our discussions and exchanges on Berlin and other international questions, the one thing that has most concerned me has been the possibility that your Government would not correctly understand the will and determination of the United States in any given situation, since I have not assumed that you or any other sane man would, in this nuclear age, deliberately plunge the world into war which it is crystal clear no country could win and which could only result in catastrophic consequences to the whole world, including the aggressor. At our meeting in Vienna and subsequently, I expressed our readiness and desire to find, through peaceful negotiation, a solution to any and all problems that divide us. At the same time, I made clear that in view of the objectives of the ideology to which you adhere, the United States could not tolerate any action on your part which in a major way disturbed the existing over-all balance of power in the world. I stated that an attempt to force abandonment of our responsibilities and commitments in Berlin would constitute such an action and that the United States would resist with all the power at its command. It was in order to avoid any incorrect assessment on the part of your Government with respect to Cuba that I publicly stated that if certain developments in Cuba took place, the United States would do whatever must be done to protect its own security and that of its allies. [Page 166] Moreover, the Congress adopted a resolution expressing its support of this declared policy.2 Despite this, the rapid development of long-range missile bases and other offensive weapons systems in Cuba has proceeded. I must tell you that the United States is determined that this threat to the security of this hemisphere be removed. At the same time, I wish to point out that the action we are taking is the minimum necessary to remove the threat to the security of the nations of this hemisphere. The fact of this minimum response should not be taken as a basis, however, for any misjudgment on your part. I hope that your Government will refrain from any action which would widen or deepen this already grave crisis and that we can agree to resume the path of peaceful negotiations. Sincerely, JFK Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource October 22nd Letter From President Kennedy to Chairman Khrushchev Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource U.S President John F. Kennedy Subject The topic of the resource Cuban Missile Crisis Cold War Kennedy Khrushchev Correspondence Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Office of the Historian Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1968-10-22 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Office of the Historian, Volume VI, Kennedy-Khrushchev Exchanges https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1961-63v06/d60 Language A language of the resource English Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document Khruschev Letter to President Kennedy His Excellency Mr. John F. Kennedy President of the United States of America Washington Dear Mr. President, .... Imagine, Mr. President, what if we were to present to you such an ultimatum as you have presented to us by your actions. How would you react to it? I think you would be outraged at such a move on our part. And this we would understand. Having presented these conditions to us, Mr. President, you have thrown down the gauntlet. Who asked you to do this? By what right have you done this? Our ties with the Republic of Cuba, as well as our relations with other nations, regardless of their political system, concern only the two countries between which these relations exist. And, if it were a matter of quarantine as mentioned in your letter, then, as is customary in international practice, it can be established only by states agreeing between themselves, and not by some third party. Quarantines exist, for example, on agricultural goods and products. However, in this case we are not talking about quarantines, but rather about much more serious matters, and you yourself understand this. _ You, Mr. President, are not declaring a quarantine, but rather issuing an ultimatum, and you are threatening that if we do not obey your orders, you will then use force. Think about what you are saying! And you want to persuade me to agree to this! What does it mean to agree to these demands? It would mean for us to conduct our relations with other countries not by reason, but by yielding to tyranny. You are not appealing to reason; you want to intimidate us. No, Mr. President, I cannot agree to this, and I think that deep inside, you will admit that I am right. I am convinced that if you were in my place you would do the same. .... This Organization [of American States] has no authority or grounds whatsoever to pass resolutions like those of which you speak in your letter. Therefore, we do not accept these resolutions. International law exists, generally accepted standards of conduct exist. We firmly adhere to the principles of international law and strictly observe the standards regulating navigation on the open sea, in international waters. We observe these standards and enjoy the rights recognized by all nations. You want to force us to renounce the rights enjoyed by every sovereign state; you are attempting to legislate questions of international law; you are violating the generally accepted standards of this law. All this is due not only to hatred for the Cuban people and their government, but also for reasons having to do with the election campaign in the USA. What morals, what laws can justify such an approach by the American government to international affairs? Such morals and laws are not to be found, because the actions of the USA in relation to Cuba are outright piracy. This, if you will, is the madness of a degenerating imperialism. Unfortunately, people of all nations, and not least the American people themselves, could suffer heavily from madness such as this, since with the appearance of modern types of weapons, the USA has completely lost its former inaccessibility. Therefore, Mr. President, if you weigh the present situation with a cool head without giving way to passion, you will understand that the Soviet Union cannot afford not to decline the despotic demands of the USA. When you lay conditions such as these before us, try to put yourself in our situation and consider how the USA would react to such conditions. I have no doubt that if anyone attempted to dictate similar conditions to you -- the USA, you would reject such an attempt. And we likewise say -- no. The Soviet government considers the violation of the freedom of navigation in international waters and air space to constitute an act of aggression propelling humankind into the abyss of a world nuclear-missile war. Therefore, the Soviet government cannot instruct captains of Soviet ships bound for Cuba to observe orders of American naval forces blockading this island. Our instructions to Soviet sailors are to observe strictly the generally accepted standards of navigation in international waters and not retreat one step from them. And, if the American side violates these rights, it must be aware of the responsibility it will bear for this act. To be sure, we will not remain mere observers of pirate actions by American ships in the open sea. We will then be forced on our part to take those measures we deem necessary and sufficient to defend our rights. To this end we have all that is necessary. Respectfully, /s/ N. Khrushchev N. KHRUSHCHEV Moscow 24 October 1962 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource October 24th Letter from Khrushchev to John F. Kennedy Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Nikita Khrushchev Subject The topic of the resource Cuban Missile Crisis Cold War Description An account of the resource Khrushchev expresses outrage at Kennedy’s establishment of quarantine in Cuba. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Library of Congress Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1962-10-24 Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Wilson Collection https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/letter-khrushchev-john-f-kennedy https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5810/Gloriosa_victoria-Diego-Rivera-1.jpg 3543adcfde61d23c271d32501b6cb011 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Glorious Victory Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Diego Rivera Subject The topic of the resource 1954 Guatemalan Coup Description An account of the resource This is a painting that depicts the 1954 Guatemalan Coup. This was painted in the same year as the coup reflecting a leftist perspective of the coup as economically motivated and driven by US intervention. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow, Russia. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Type The nature or genre of the resource Physical Object Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Painting, oil on canvas, 260x450 cm Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context glorious_victory_rivera Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow, Russia, Number Ж-3768. https://collection.pushkinmuseum.art/en/entity/OBJECT/79294?query=diego%20rivera&index=2 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Free use https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5811/service-pnp-cph-3c30000-3c34000-3c34100-3c34154r.jpg 837012e6789188798643866638173e36 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Marchers for Allende Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Wallace, James N. Subject The topic of the resource Allende Gossens, Salvador,--1908-1973. Political elections--Chile--Santiago--1960-1970. Political parades & rallies--Chile--Santiago--1960-1970. Description An account of the resource Photograph showing a crowd of people marching to support the election of Salvador Allende for president in Santiago, Chile. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Library of Congress Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964-09-05 Type The nature or genre of the resource Image Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context marchers_allende_wallace Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived This resource was accessed through the Library of Congress online archive under the repository Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA , with call number USN&WR COLL - Job no. 12524, frame 15 [P&P], and reproduction number LC-USZ62-134154 (b&w film copy neg.). https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004666289/ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Sound A resource primarily intended to be heard. Examples include a music playback file format, an audio compact disc, and recorded speech or sounds. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Live Speech Duration Length of time involved (seconds, minutes, hours, days, class periods, etc.) 17 minutes and 46 seconds Transcription Any written text transcribed from a sound Good evening my fellow citizens: This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet Military buildup on the island of Cuba. Within the past week, unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purpose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere. Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 a.m., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail. The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium range ballistic missiles capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D.C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area. Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate range ballistic missiles--capable of traveling more than twice as far--and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared. This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base--by the presence of these large, long range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction--constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this Nation and hemisphere, the joint resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that the arms buildup in Cuba would retain its original defensive character, and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles on the territory of any other nation. The size of this undertaking makes clear that it has been planned for some months. Yet only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet Government publicly stated on September 11, and I quote, "the armaments and military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes," that, and I quote the Soviet Government, "there is no need for the Soviet Government to shift its weapons . . . for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba," and that, and I quote their government, "the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union." That statement was false. Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive buildup was already in my hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make it clear once again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the the defense capabilities of Cuba," that, and I quote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offensive, and if it were otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "the Soviet Government would never become involved in rendering such assistance." That statement also was false. Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace. For many years both the Soviet Union and the United States, recognizing this fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status quo which ensured that these weapons would not be used in the absence of some vital challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any other nation under a cloak of secrecy and deception; and our history--unlike that of the Soviets since the end of World War II--demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the Bull's-eye of Soviet missiles located inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines. In that sense, missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger--although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, and extraordinary buildup of Communist missiles--in an area well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy--this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil--is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country, if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe. The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawal or elimination from the Western Hemisphere. Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation, which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is required--and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth--but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced. Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately: First: To halt this offensive buildup, a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. All ships of any kind bound for Cuba from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back. This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and carriers. We are not at this time, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of 1948. Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup. The foreign ministers of the OAS, in their communique of October 6, rejected secrecy in such matters in this hemisphere. Should these offensive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any eventualities; and I trust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned in continuing this threat will be recognized. Third: It shall be the policy of this Nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union. Fourth: As a necessary military precaution, I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo, evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military units to be on a standby alert basis. Fifth: We are calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ of Consultation under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat to hemispheric security and to invoke articles 6 and 8 of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action. The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements--and the nations of this hemisphere decided long ago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other allies around the world have also been alerted. Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency meeting of the Security Council be convoked without delay to take action against this latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of U.N. observers, before the quarantine can be lifted. Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations between our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this course of world domination, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction--by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba--by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis--and then by participating in a search for peaceful and permanent solutions. This Nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at any time and in any forum--in the OAS, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be useful--without limiting our freedom of action. We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed the elimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effective disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new proposals for the removal of tensions on both sides--including the possibility of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its own destiny. We have no wish to war with the Soviet Union--for we are a peaceful people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples. But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmosphere of intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet threat--or any other threat which is made either independently or in response to our actions this week--must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples to whom we are committed--including in particular the brave people of West Berlin--will be met by whatever action is needed. Finally, I want to say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, to whom this speech is being directly carried by special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all. And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed-- and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination. Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and neighbors in the Americas--and turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war--the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil. These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and well-being. They can only undermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom. Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free--free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to select their own system, free to own their own land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere. My fellow citizens: let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one can see precisely what course it will take or what costs or casualties will be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie ahead--months in which our patience and our will will be tested--months in which many threats and denunciations will keep us aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing. The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are--but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high--and Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission. Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right- -not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved. Thank you and good night. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource John F. Kennedy's Address During the Cuban Missile Crisis Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kennedy, John F. Subject The topic of the resource Cold War Cuban Missile Crisis John F. Kennedy Description An account of the resource Audio recording of President John F. Kennedy’s radio and television address to the nation regarding the former Soviet Union’s military presence in Cuba. In his speech President Kennedy reports the establishment of offensive missile sites presumably intended to launch a nuclear offensive against Western nations. The President characterizes the transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base as an explicit threat to American security, and explains seven components to his proposed course of action: quarantine all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba, increase the degree of surveillance, regard a possible attack launched from Cuba as a Soviet attack, reinforce the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, call for a meeting of the Organ of Consultation, call for an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council, and demand that Premier Nikita Khrushchev cease his current course of action. In his speech the President famously states, “Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right- not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this Hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world.” Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1962-10-22 Type The nature or genre of the resource Sound Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource MP3 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived JFK Museum: https://www.jfklibrary.org/learn/about-jfk/historic-speeches/address-during-the-cuban-missile-crisis Language A language of the resource English https://dh.scu.edu/exhibits/files/original/199/5843/LandRedistribution.png 3fca846f4c62555b3dd4ff3f75c4a308 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource HIST 27/127 Cold War Spring 2026 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Land redistribution Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mauldin, Bill, 1921-2003, artist Subject The topic of the resource Goulart, Joao,--1918- Revolutions--Brazil--1960-1970. Description An account of the resource Cartoon shows Brazilian president João Goulart under a rock slide which has just come down a mountain side. Overthrown by a military uprising after 30 months in power, President João Goulart fled Brazil on April 1, 1964. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Library of Congress, gifted by Bill Mauldin in 1975, originally published in the Chicago Sun-Times, April 4, 1964. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1964-04-04 Type The nature or genre of the resource Image Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 drawing on layered paper board : crayon, ink, blue pencil, and white out over pencil. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Land Redistribution Goulart 1964 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived From the Library of Congress Reproduction Number: LC-DIG-ds-03991 Call Number: CD 1 - Mauldin, no. 1087 (A size) Repository: Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print Source Link: https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2016686754/ Language A language of the resource English Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Copyright 1964, Chicago Sun-Times.