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Author Manuscript
Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.

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Published in final edited form as:
Demography. 2014 August ; 51(4): 1159–1173. doi:10.1007/s13524-014-0304-y.

The Consequences of Migration to the United States for Shortterm Changes in the Health of Mexican Immigrants
Noreen Goldman,
Office of Population Research, Princeton University, Wallace Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544, USA
Anne R. Pebley,
California Center for Population Research, University of California Los Angeles, CA. 90095, USA
Mathew J. Creighton,
Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Departament de Ciències Polítiques i Socials, Barcelona, Spain
Graciela M. Teruel,
Universidad Iberoamericana, AC and CAMBS, México D.F., México

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Luis N. Rubalcava, and
Centro de Análisis y Medición del Bienestar Social, AC and CIDE, México D.F., México
Chang Chung
Office of Population Research, Princeton University, Wallace Hall, Princeton, NJ 08544, USA
Noreen Goldman: ngoldman@princeton.edu

Abstract

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Although many studies have attempted to examine the consequences of Mexico-U.S. migration for
Mexican immigrants’ health, few have had adequate data to generate the appropriate comparisons.
In this article, we use data from two waves of the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS) to
compare the health of current migrants from Mexico with those of earlier migrants and
nonmigrants. Because the longitudinal data permit us to examine short-term changes in health
status subsequent to the baseline survey for current migrants and for Mexican residents, as well as
to control for the potential health selectivity of migrants, the results provide a clearer picture of the
consequences of immigration for Mexican migrant health than have previous studies. Our findings
demonstrate that current migrants are more likely to experience recent changes in health status—
both improvements and declines—than either earlier migrants or nonmigrants. The net effect,
however, is a decline in health for current migrants: compared with never migrants, the health of
current migrants is much more likely to have declined in the year or two since migration and not
significantly more likely to have improved. Thus, it appears that the migration process itself
and/or the experiences of the immediate post-migration period detrimentally affect Mexican
immigrants’ health.

Keywords
Immigrant; Health status; Self-rated health; Selection; Mexico

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Introduction
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Large-scale Mexican-U.S. migration has changed social, economic, and cultural life on both
sides of the border. Migration to the United States can offer increased earnings and savings
accumulation (Gathmann 2008). However, it can also be a difficult experience for migrants
because of the risks and costs of border crossing; poorly paying, irregular, and hazardous
jobs; crowded housing; lengthy family separation; discrimination; and a politically hostile
climate (Hovey 2000; Massey and Sanchez 2010; Ullmann et al. 2011).

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What are the consequences of the immigrant experience for immigrants’ health? The
literature suggests that Mexican immigrants are positively selected for good health and
healthy behaviors (the “healthy migrant effect”) but that living in the United States may lead
to deterioration in both health and healthy behaviors of migrants (Ceballos and Palloni 2010;
Kaestner et al. 2009; Oza-Frank et al. 2011; Riosmena and Dennis 2012). However, the
evidence for both parts of this scenario is often contradictory and limited by available data.
A study based on Mexican longitudinal data found only weak evidence of positive health
selection for migrants (Rubalcava et al. 2008). However, studies using binational crosssectional data to compare Mexican immigrants in the United States with Mexican residents
have argued more strongly in support of positive health selection (Barquera et al. 2008;
Crimmins et al. 2005).
Research on the effects of life in the United States on immigrant health is also problematic.
Studies comparing immigrant duration cohorts cross-sectionally in the United States have
generally suggested that immigrant health and health behaviors deteriorate with longer
durations of residence (Abraído-Lanza et al. 2005; Lara et al. 2005). In contrast, some
studies indicate that health trajectories are not monotonically related to time spent in the
United States (Jasso et al. 2004; Teitler et al. 2012).

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Many of the limitations characterizing previous research on immigrant health result from
reliance on cross-sectional data. These studies did not have adequate information on
premigration health, making it impossible to determine when health deterioration began. In
addition, cross-sectional comparisons involve cohorts of immigrants with different
characteristics that arrived in different time periods with distinct political and economic
climates; comparisons are further biased by selective attrition of return migrants, who, on
average, are less healthy than the stayers (i.e., the “salmon bias”; Riosmena et al. 2013).
Moreover, cross-sectional studies cannot assess whether the observed health trajectories of
immigrants differ from those of nonmigrants. Alternative strategies that compare U.S.
emigrants who have returned to Mexico with those who remained in their home
communities are also problematic because of potential health-selective return migration.
In this article, we use data from the two waves of the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS)
to explicitly examine short-term changes in health status for current migrants in the United
States compared with return migrants and never migrants. Because the richness of data in
the MxFLS permits extensive controls for the potential health selectivity of migrants, this
article provides a significantly clearer picture of the consequences of immigration for
Mexican migrant health than previous studies.

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Background
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The literature suggests several reasons why immigrant health may deteriorate in the United
States. The first is inadequate access to health care, particularly for undocumented migrants
(Nandi et al. 2008; Prentice et al. 2005; Vargas Bustamante et al. 2012). Having health
insurance is a key predictor of access to health care, particularly for immigrants (Siddiqi et
al. 2009).
A second explanation is the detrimental effects of acculturation on health behaviors (i.e.,
poor diet, a sedentary lifestyle, and substance abuse) through exposure to U.S. society. In
recent years, the acculturation literature has been strongly criticized (Carter-Pokras et al.
2008; Creighton et al. 2012; Hunt et al. 2004; Viruell-Fuentes 2007; Zambrana and CarterPokras 2010) for failing to take socioeconomic status seriously and for its limited theoretical
grounding in the immigrant integration literature. A more nuanced interpretation of the
acculturation hypothesis, drawn from the literature on segmented assimilation, suggests that
Mexican immigrants may adopt the less healthy behaviors of lower-income Americans
because many involuntarily join this social class upon entering the United States (AbraídoLanza et al. 2006).

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Other hypotheses focus on social inequality as causes of declines in migrant health (ViruellFuentes et al. 2012). For example, the acculturative stress hypothesis suggests that because
U.S. society views Mexican-origin immigrants as low status, immigrants face discrimination
and chronic stress (Finch and Vega 2003). In addition, Mexican immigrants may live and
work under unhealthy conditions that expose them to infectious disease, environmental
toxins, injury, and other health risks (Acevedo-Garcia 2001; Kandel and Donato 2009;
Orrenius and Zavodny 2009).

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A related stressor is the increasingly hostile political climate for recent immigrants in the
United States, including stronger border enforcement, restriction of access to welfare and
Medicaid, and state anti-immigrant efforts (Cornelius 2001; Massey and Sanchez 2010).
Discrimination, family cultural conflict and lengthy separation, a hostile political climate,
loss of social support, and, after the 2008 economic crisis, fewer jobs are all likely to be
stressful experiences, especially for undocumented immigrants, and are likely to have a
more immediate impact on immigrants’ mental and physical health than poor access to
health care or acculturation mechanisms.
Despite these findings, it is possible that emigration to the United States improves Mexican
migrants’ health. Residence in the United States has a consistently positive effect on the
wealth of middle-aged and older Mexican return migrants (Wong et al. 2007), and income
and wealth are strongly associated with better health (Marmot and Bell 2012). Mexican
migrants, particularly documented ones, may also experience better working and housing
conditions than they would have in Mexico. Previous studies have found that health care use
and self-perceptions of health may improve with duration in the United States (Hummer et
al. 2004; Lara et al. 2005) and that some health outcomes are better for immigrants who
have resided in the United States for several years (Riosmena et al. 2013; Teitler et al.
2012).

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In this article, we examine whether the health of Mexican immigrants deteriorates or
improves after migration to the United States. We explicitly compare changes in health
status of recent immigrants with those of previous immigrants and with individuals who
remained in Mexico. Because these three groups are likely to differ in initial health status
(e.g., because of the healthy migrant effect and salmon bias), a critical part of this analysis is
the introduction of extensive controls for baseline health status.

Data

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The Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS) has several advantages for this analysis: it
interviews respondents at closely spaced waves that permit assessment of short-term
changes in health for migrants to the United States and individuals who remain in or return
to Mexico; it collects objective and subjective health assessments that provide controls for
potential health selectivity of migrants; and it obtains detailed migration histories that allow
us to distinguish among recent, earlier, and never migrants. The baseline survey in 2002
(MxFLS-1) interviewed all adult members residing in more than 8,440 households in 147
localities of Mexico (Rubalcava and Teruel 2006). Respondents in the baseline survey were
reinterviewed in 2005–2006 (MxFLS-2) and 2009–2012 (MxFLS-3). MxFLS followed
individuals who left their household of origin, irrespective of destination, including movers
to the United States: of those sampled in MxFLS-1, more than 90% were located and
interviewed again in MxFLS-2 (Rubalcava et al. 2008). This analysis is based on MxFLS-1
and MxFLS-2; MxFLS-3 is not yet available.
The sample includes respondents who are 20 years and older at baseline. Of the 19,132 ageappropriate respondents, one could not be matched to a municipality and was excluded. An
additional 4,874 respondents did not report one or both of the health outcomes at follow-up.
After exclusion of these respondents, the analytic sample comprises 14,257 adults.
In exploratory analyses, we estimated a logistic model of the probability that a respondent
was missing either of the two health outcomes. The results indicate that individuals with no
previous migration history, those with more education, men, and individuals in their 20s
were more likely to be missing outcomes than others. However, with these variables in the
model, there were no significant differences by self-reported health status at baseline.

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Variables
Outcome Variables: Self-reported Health and Change in Health
Despite the frequent use of self-reports of overall health to compare the well-being of
various immigrant and native-born groups (e.g., Finch and Vega 2003), comparisons may be
biased by differences in choice of reference group, degree of acculturation, and language of
interview (Bzostek et al. 2007). Because this analysis examines changes in reported health
for a given individual, such biases are likely to be substantially reduced. We consider two
outcomes—self-rated health (SRH) and perceived change in health—each with five possible
responses: “much better,” “better,” “the same,” “worse,” and “much worse.” The SRH
question in MxFLS-2 for both Mexican residents and immigrants in the United States, is as
follows:

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If you compare yourself with people of the same age and sex, would you say that
your health is (…)?

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With controls for SRH at baseline, an analysis of SRH at follow-up implicitly examines
change in the respondent’s health between interviews.
The second outcome is a direct assessment of change, based on different questions for
respondents in the United States and in Mexico. Respondents in Mexico were asked:
Comparing your health to a year ago, would you say your health now is (…)?
Respondents interviewed in the United States were instead asked:
Comparing your health to just before you came to the United States, would you say
your health now is (…)?
Calculations indicate that the average time since migration to the United States for current
migrants is 1.6 years—only slightly longer than the explicit period of 1 year used in the
Mexico interviews.

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Because few respondents reported the extreme categories of “much better” or “much
worse,” the five response categories were collapsed into three: “much better” and “better”
were combined into a single category, as were “much worse” and “worse;” “same” health is
the reference category.
Migrant Status
We categorize respondents as “current,” “return,” and “never” migrants. Current migrants
migrated after the baseline survey and were interviewed in the United States in MxFLS-2.
Return migrants were interviewed in Mexico at Wave 2 but had previous migration
experience to the United States; they include long-term and temporary migrants as well as
those who migrated to the United States between survey waves but returned to Mexico
before the second interview. Never migrants reported no international migration experience
by Wave 2.
Control Variables

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To account for potential differences in the health status of migrants, return migrants, and
nonmigrants at baseline that are not captured by SRH, we include four health variables in
addition to SRH, all measured at Wave 1. Obesity, anemia, and hypertension are derived
from assessments conducted in the home by a trained health worker. Obesity is defined as a
body mass index (BMI) ≥30 based on height and weight measurements (WHO 2000).
Individuals are classified as anemic for the following hemoglobin (Hb) levels: Hb&lt;130 g/L
for males or Hb&lt;120 g/L for females (WHO 2000). Individuals with elevated systolic
(mmHg≥140) and/or diastolic (mmHg≥90) blood pressure are considered hypertensive
(WHO 2000). The final health measure reflects whether the respondent had been
hospitalized in the past year.
Two measures of socioeconomic status provide additional controls for potential selectivity
of migrants: (1) years of schooling, and (2) log per capita household expenditure. The latter

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measure has been used to assess household economic well-being in a broad range of
contexts, including Mexico (Contreras 2003; Rubalcava et al. 2009; Xu et al. 2009). All
models also control for sex and age (linear and quadratic terms).
Municipal Controls
Because the literature suggests that migration decisions depend on place of origin
(Rubalcava et al. 2008) and migration flows at the municipality level are likely to be related
to unobserved characteristics (e.g., human capital) of residents, we include three variables at
the municipality level. A municipality was coded as rural if there were fewer than 2,500
residents (INEGI 2003). We also include two measures based on the 2000 Mexican Census:
(1) a marginalization index derived from a factor analysis of municipal-level measures of
education, housing, income, and schooling (Luis-Ávila et al. 2001); and (2) a measure of
migration intensity based on the number of return migrants, current migrants, and amount of
remittances received by households (Tuirán et al. 2002). Both measures are categorized as
“low,” “medium,” and “high.”

Methods
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As described earlier, we classify both health outcome variables (self-rated health at Wave 2
relative to someone of the same age and sex and perceived health change over the year prior
to Wave 2) as better, same, or worse health. For each of the two health outcomes, we fit
multinomial regression models, with “same” health as the reference category, to estimate
relative risk ratios (RRRs) for worse relative to same health and RRRs for better relative to
same health. We estimate a set of three models that sequentially includes (1) migrant status,
baseline SRH, age and sex; (2) objective health measures; (3) socioeconomic status and
municipal-level characteristics. The estimate of primary interest pertains to current migrants:
that is, is health at follow-up or perceived change in health of current migrants better, worse,
or the same as that of never or return migrants?

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We use multiple imputation to estimate a response for explanatory variables with missing
values (see Table 1 for the frequency of missing data). We create five imputed data sets. The
imputation models include all covariates with complete information as well as a variable
denoting household size (to improve overall model fit). The estimated RRRs in the results
section are derived from average values of the coefficients across the five imputed data sets.
The sample is clustered at two levels: 14,257 adults are drawn from 7,200 households and
136 municipalities. To account for the dependence of observations, we use robust standard
errors clustered at the household level to calculate variances under multiple imputation. The
estimates are computed in Stata 12 using the mlogit command (StataCorp 2011).

Results
Descriptive statistics are presented in Table 1. At each wave, about 60 % of respondents
evaluate their overall health the same as someone of the same age and sex, and only about 8
% rate their health as worse. Almost twice as many respondents note an improvement as

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compared with a deterioration in health over the period. About 5 % of the respondents are
current or return migrants.

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The relative risk ratios (RRRs, or exponentiated coefficients) in Table 2 pertain to self-rated
health at follow-up. Based on Model 3, the estimated RRR for current migrants is 1.7 (p &lt; .
05) for worse compared with the same health and 1.3 (p &lt; .05) for better compared with the
same health (relative to a never migrant). In other words, current migrants in the United
States are less likely than never migrants to rate themselves as having the same health status
as someone of their age and sex: they are more apt to rate their health both worse and better
—but especially worse than their peers—at the second interview. The estimates for return
migrants are not significantly different from those for never migrants. Estimates for the
control variables generally conform to expectation.

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Because RRRs are difficult to interpret, in upcoming Table 4, we present predicted
probabilities of worse, same, or better health at follow-up by migrant status. Each estimate
was determined by setting all explanatory variables except migrant status at their observed
values for each individual, setting migrant status to the same value for all individuals (never,
return, or current migrant) and calculating the mean prediction from the model. The first
panel, which shows predictions based on Model 3 in Table 2, underscores the results noted
earlier: at follow-up, current migrants are considerably more likely (by nearly 50 %) than
never migrants to rate their health as worse than someone of the same age and sex and only
slightly more likely (by about 13 %) to rate their health as better.
The RRRs in Table 3 are based on respondents’ assessments of the change in their health
status. Consistent with the previous estimates, the RRRs for deteriorating health are large
and significant for current migrants (1.9 in Model 3). In contrast, the RRRs for improving
health are not significantly different from one for current migrants. As with SRH, the RRRs
for return migrants are not significantly different from one for either deteriorating or
improving health. The predicted probabilities in the second panel of Table 4 indicate that the
health of current migrants is about 60 % more likely than that of never migrants to have
worsened in the recent past and only very slightly (and insignificantly) more likely to have
improved.

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Discussion
The central question of this analysis has been whether migrants from Mexico to the United
States experience changes in their health after they move. This simple question has not been
adequately answered by prior research because of the dearth of appropriate data. However,
through data collection efforts in Mexico and the United States at the second wave, and
extensive baseline information on variables potentially related to the health selectivity of
migrants, the MxFLS permits us to address this issue in a methodologically appropriate way.
Two outcome variables—SRH at the second wave and self-assessment of recent change in
health status—provide insights into the changing health status of current migrants relative to
others. Both measures indicate that current migrants are more likely to have experienced
recent changes in health status—both improvements and declines—than either earlier

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migrants or nonmigrants. This is perhaps not surprising because migration to the United
States is associated with changes in many of the determinants of health status, including
access to health care, exposure to stressful experiences and health risks, and lifestyle.
Moreover, the fact that some migrants report better health while others report worse health is
consistent with the notion of multiple acculturative processes that ultimately lead to distinct
mental and physical health outcomes (Castro 2013).
An important question concerns the net change in health status: compared with residents in
Mexico, was improvement in health as prevalent as deterioration in health among current
migrants? Because migrants may use a different reference group to evaluate their health
status in the United States than they used three years earlier in Mexico (Bzostek et al. 2007),
respondents’ direct assessments of changes in their recent health status may be more
informative. Our results demonstrate that the net change across the sample of current
migrants is a decline in their overall health relative to the other groups.

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Although this finding is consistent with the large literature on deteriorating migrant health
with length of residence in the United States, our study is the first (to our knowledge) to
demonstrate that declines in self-assessed health appear quickly after migrants’ arrival in the
United States. Most previous studies suggest that recent Mexican immigrants in the United
States are in better health compared with longer-term migrants and the U.S.-born population.
However, comparisons based only on U.S. residents miss an important part of the picture:
they ignore changes in individual immigrant health in the year or so after migration
(compared with migrants’ own health before migration and that of nonmigrants). Our results
suggest that the migration process itself and/or the experiences of the immediate postmigration period detrimentally affect Mexican immigrants’ health.

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The speed with which declines occur suggests that the process of acculturation, which tends
to unfold over numerous years (Antecol and Bedard 2006; Creighton et al. 2012), is unlikely
to account for most of the decline in migrant health status. Instead, we speculate that the
process of border crossing for undocumented immigrants—now more costly and dangerous
than in the past (Gathmann 2008; US GAO 2006) —combined with the physical and
psychological costs of finding work and lodging in the United States, lack of health care,
and the stress of undocumented status can cause rapid deterioration in immigrants’ physical
and mental well-being and hence perceptions of their own health. Regardless of
documentation status, many immigrants face extreme poverty, isolation from families, and
harsh work conditions after arrival that may affect their health assessment.
Unfortunately, given the limited set of health questions asked of migrants at the second
wave, we cannot provide a more nuanced analysis of how physical and mental well-being
change. Moreover, the sample size of individuals who migrated between MxFLS-1 and
MxFLS-2 is not sufficiently large to consider how working and housing conditions, diet,
social interactions, lack of access to health care, financial stress, and other factors moderate
the relationship between migration and health.
With the availability of the third wave of MxFLS, collected in 2009–2012, many such
questions can be addressed in the future. Objective markers of health status collected in the

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third wave for migrants and nonmigrants alike will yield a more precise description of the
ways in which health status has evolved. In addition, the inclusion of migrants between the
second and third waves will not only yield a larger sample of migrants but will also permit
an analysis of whether migrants who came to the United States during the past few years—a
period with an especially hostile political climate and an economic recession—experienced
even worse health outcomes than the migrants analyzed in this study.

Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge support for this project from the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of
Child Health and Human Development (R01HD051764, R24HD047879, R03HD040906, and R01HD047522) and
from CONACYT-SEDESOL (2004-01). We would like to thank Germán Rodríguez for statistical advice and Erika
Arenas for assistance in data collection and preparation of the data set for this analysis.

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�NIH-PA Author Manuscript

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3,137

391
306

Return

Current

Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.
––
––
––
––
––

Obese

Anemic

Hypertensive

Hospitalized in previous year

9,520
2,729
2,008

Low

Medium

High

Marginalization Index

––

4,298

Better

Age (years)

7,461

Same

Male

1,008

Worse

Self-rated health status relative to same age and sex (MxFLS-1)

13,560

Never

Migrant status (MxFLS-2)

Explanatory

14.1

19.1

66.8

––

––

––

––

––

––

33.7

58.4

7.9

2.2

2.7

95.1

22.0

9,385

Better

65.8

1,735

Same

12.2

30.9

60.9

8.3

%

Worse

Perceived change in health status (MxFLS-2)

4,398

8,676

Better

1,183

Same

Count

Worse

Self-rated health status relative to same age and sex (MxFLS-2)

Outcome

Variable

––

––

––

0.06

0.34

0.06

0.33

42.22

0.43

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

Mean

––

––

––

0.23

0.47

0.24

0.47

15.74

0.49

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

––

SD

Description of the outcome and explanatory variables in the analytic sample

0.0

10.5

8.3

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.0

10.5

0.0

0.0

0.0

% Missing

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

Table 1
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�N

––
––

Rural

Years of education

Log per capita expenditure
14,257

––

––

High

––

––

9.7
13.1

1,376
1,860

Medium

77.3

11,021

Low

Migration intensity index

6.88

6.31

0.44

––

––

––

Mean

1.08

4.40

0.50

––

––

––

SD

3.5

1.2

0.0

0.0

% Missing

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%

NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Count

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Variable

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−5.76

−1.81
13.06

0.688 ***
1.604 ***
0.954
3.377 ***
0.944

Male

Age (years)a

Age Squared SRH at MxFLS-1 (ref. = same)

Worse

Better

1.658 ***

Hospitalized in previous year

Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.
0.937
1.129

Return

Current

Migrant status (ref. = never)

0.93

1.122

0.88

1.060

Log per capita expenditure

−0.53
1.99

0.940
1.303 *

1.86

−5.71

0.939 ***

Years of education

Contrast: Better (vs. same)

–1.31

−0.02
0.903

0.998

High

1.72

0.06

2.30

4.08

−1.70

0.87

3.42

−0.17

11.96

−0.87

6.70

−4.08

2.49

−0.73

t

Rural

1.216

Medium

Migration intensity index (ref. = low)

1.006

High

1.668 ***

0.887

1.111

1.264 **

0.984

3.122 ***

0.977

1.402 ***

0.760 ***

1.707 *

0.858

RRR

1.240 *

−0.60

4.05

−1.64

1.10

3.22

−0.62

12.72

−1.71

10.79

−4.70

2.70

−0.78

t

Model 3

Medium

0.934

0.890

Hypertensive

−0.57

1.140

Anemic

Marginalization index (ref. = low)

1.245 **

0.944

3.311 ***

0.956

1.621 ***

0.732 ***

1.789 **

0.851

RRR

Model 2

Obese

−0.62

11.00

2.56

−0.72

1.731 *

0.861

t

Current

Return

Migrant status (ref. = never)

Contrast: Worse (vs. same)

RRR

Model 1

Relative risk ratios (RRRs) and t statistics from multinomial logistic model of self-rated health status (SRH) relative to same age and sex at MxFLS-2

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Table 2
Goldman et al.
Page 14

�14,257

0.08
5.97
4.44

1.034 ***
1.093 ***

Years of education

Log per capita expenditure

−4.26

1.004

0.722 ***

High

Rural

1.012

Medium

0.15

−5.32

0.666 ***

Migration intensity index (ref. = low)

−1.23

0.925

High

0.58

−1.33

−0.98

−1.36

10.21

−0.36

−1.31

Medium

1.053

0.943

0.920

0.944

1.541 ***

0.970

0.977

0.03
3.32

1.091 **

t

1.001

RRR

Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.

p &lt; .001

***

p &lt; .01;

**

p &lt; .05;

Age is standardized by centering on the mean of 42.2 years in standard deviation (15.7 years) unit.

*

a

Notes: Based on five multiple imputations of missing values. Standard errors are adjusted for clustering at the household level.

N

1.46

1.137

Marginalization index (ref. = low)

Hospitalized in previous year

−0.95

0.960

−1.52

0.880

Hypertensive

−0.85

12.07

−0.78

Anemic

1.653 ***

0.937

−1.33

0.17

0.88

t

0.965

12.05

1.652 ***

0.977

1.004

1.033

RRR

Obese

−0.76

0.938

Better

−1.21

Worse

0.979

Age squared SRH at MxFLS-1 (ref. = same)

–0.26

0.91

1.033
0.994

Male

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

Age (years)

t

RRR

Model 3

NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Model 2

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Model 1

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�NIH-PA Author Manuscript

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-8.59
15.89
-3.43

0.631 ***
1.774 ***
0.927 **

Male

Age (Years)1

Age Squared

2.22

1.293 *

Hospitalized in Previous Year

Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.
2.09

1.130 *

1.055
0.975

1.296 *

0.937

-5.14

0.958 ***
1.034

Years of Education

Log Per Capita Expenditure

1.25

-1.65

0.895

5.10

1.535 ***

High

Rural

3.63

1.402 ***

Medium

-0.27

0.69

2.22

-1.04

0.52

2.72

1.188 **

1.060

9.22

-2.92

11.73

-7.16

3.46

-0.85

t

2.241 ***

0.937 **

1.609 ***

0.673 ***

High

Migration Intensity Index (ref=Low)

(3)

1.909 **

0.870

RRR

Medium

Marginalization Index (ref=Low)

-1.18

0.929

Hypertensive

0.44

1.60

1.90

1.049

1.127

Anemic

1.89

10.15

-3.38

15.54

-7.93

4.33

-0.29

t

1.098

1.126

Better

2.393 ***

0.928 **

1.787 ***

0.649 ***

2.227 ***

0.955

RRR

(2)

Models

Obese

2.416 ***

Worse

10.34

4.28

2.202 ***

Current

SRH at MxFLS-1 (ref=Same)

-0.25

0.961

t

Return

Migrant Status (ref=Never)

Contrast: Worse (vs. Same)

RRR

(1)

Relative Risk Ratios (RRRs) and t-statistics from Multinomial Model of Perceived Change in Health Status Relative to Previous Year or Prior to
Migration

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

Table 3
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�Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.
0.834 ***
1.038

Age (Years)

Age Squared

-3.27

0.776 **

High

-0.60
2.43

0.996
1.056 *

Years of Education

Log Per Capita Expenditure

N

0.77

1.043

-3.78

0.734 ***

High

Rural

-2.20

0.832 *

Medium

Migration Intensity Index (ref=Low)

-2.62

2.97

0.81

0.17

0.02

4.73

0.836 **

1.309 **

1.041

1.016

1.001

1.243 ***

1.48

2.06

1.042 *

1.144

-6.59

-3.63

1.16

0.15

t

0.830 ***

0.856 ***

1.192

1.020

RRR

Medium

14257

3.44

1.362 **

Hospitalized in Previous Year

Marginalization Index (ref=Low)

1.12

1.057

0.00

1.000

Hypertensive

0.35

5.51

1.41

Anemic

1.286 ***

1.136

1.86

-7.52

-3.49

0.36

-0.24

t

1.016

5.49

1.285 ***

Better

1.038

0.830 ***

0.862 ***

1.055

0.970

RRR

Obese

1.58

1.153

Worse

p&lt;0.01;

**

p&lt;0.05;

*

-7.56

0.855 ***

Male

SRH at MxFLS-1 (ref=Same)

-3.85

1.048

1.90

0.31

0.972

Current

-0.22

t

Return

Migrant Status (ref=Never)

Contrast: Better (vs. Same)

NIH-PA Author Manuscript
RRR

(2)

(3)

NIH-PA Author Manuscript
(1)

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

Models

Goldman et al.
Page 17

�NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Age is standardized by centering around the mean of 42.2 years in standard deviation (15.7 years) unit.

1

Note: Based on five multiple imputations of missing values. Standard errors are adjusted for clustering at the household level.

p&lt;0.001

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

***

Goldman et al.
Page 18

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

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�Goldman et al.

Page 19

Table 4

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

Average predicted probabilities of self-rated health status at Wave 2a and perceived change in health statusb
by migrant status
Migrant Status
Outcome

Never

Return

Current

Worse

.0826

.0735

.1199

Same

.6096

.6281

.5316

Self-rated Health Status (MxFLS-2)

Better

.3078

.2983

.3485

Totalc

1.0000

1.0000

1.0000

Worse

.1208

.1072

.1939

Same

.6596

.6668

.5764

Perceived Change in Health Status

Better

.2195

.2259

.2297

Totalc

1.0000

1.0000

1.0000

NIH-PA Author Manuscript

Notes: Predicted probabilities were determined by setting all explanatory variables except migrant status at their observed values for each
individual, setting migrant status to the same value for all individuals (never, return, current migrants), and calculating the mean prediction from
the model.
a

Based on Model 3 in Table 2.

b

Based on Model 3 in Table 3.

c

Some columns may not sum exactly to 1.0000 because of rounding.

NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Demography. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 August 01.

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              <text>The Consequences of Migration to the United States for Short-term Changes in the Health of Mexican Immigrants</text>
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              <text>Although many studies have attempted to examine the consequences of Mexico-U.S. migration for Mexican immigrants’ health, few have had adequate data to generate the appropriate comparisons. In this article, we use data from two waves of the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS) to compare the health of current migrants from Mexico with those of earlier migrants and nonmigrants. Because the longitudinal data permit us to examine short-term changes in health status subsequent to the baseline survey for current migrants and for Mexican residents, as well as to control for the potential health selectivity of migrants, the results provide a clearer picture of the consequences of immigration for Mexican migrant health than have previous studies. Our findings demonstrate that current migrants are more likely to experience recent changes in health status—both improvements and declines—than either earlier migrants or nonmigrants. The net effect, however, is a decline in health for current migrants: compared with never migrants, the health of current migrants is much more likely to have declined in the year or two since migration and not significantly more likely to have improved. Thus, it appears that the migration process itself and/or the experiences of the immediate post-migration period detrimentally affect Mexican immigrants’ health. </text>
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